![]() ![]() Infancy researchers often use highly simplified, animated, or otherwise artificial stimuli to study infant’s understanding of abstract concepts including “causality” or even “prosociality”. In general, our findings showed that puppets and pictures are useful supporting materials in the SC measurement of four- to six-year-olds. When the sample is divided according to median split, a difference emerges in the older age group between PUS and PUI. Findings of moderate correlations between the PIS with mathematical skills and the PUI with mathematical skills indicated construct validity, but this was not observed for the PUS. Again, no differences between the SC scales were observed. Due to the rather small sample sizes, data was merged across experiments to allow a one-way subject-to-subject comparison of the procedures, resulting in increased statistical power. In addition, no differences were revealed between the individual procedures for the assessment of mathematical SC. The experiments showed that all of the scales were reliable. Mathematical competencies, German grammar comprehension and intelligence were measured. In all experiments, the order of presenting the scales was manipulated between participants. All participants were asked to perform a picture scale (PIS) and a puppet interview (PUI) in the first experiment ( N = 25), a PIS and a puppet scale (PUS) in the second experiment ( N = 25) and a PUI and a PUS in the third experiment ( N = 26). In three mixed designed experiments with four- to six-year-olds we explored the comparability of different measurement tools for mathematical self concept (SC). While in elementary school the first author was member of a three-person string-puppet group which performed for the local community. The second line explores children’s understanding of people’s actions in terms of rights and Conflict of interest The first line explores children’s understanding of people’s actions in terms of mental states, so-called theory of mind, using false belief tasks. We have focused on this practice in two lines of investigation. ![]() The aim of our article has been to call into question the way developmental researchers often use stimulus materials such as puppets, dolls, and toys as though these are real people. Why do researchers select these stimuli as protagonists rather than real people? At least three possibilities suggest themselves. In addition it has quickly become the norm in research on children’s understanding of rights and responsibilities. A second line of investigation has explored children’s acquisition of this second kind of DiscussionĮvidently the use of puppets or other symbolic social stimuli such as toys or cut-outs has been the norm in research on children’s understanding of beliefs and desires since the false belief task was first used in the 1980 s. There are, then, two ways to understand a person’s actions: in terms of beliefs and desires, and in terms of rights and responsibilities. But they may also perform this action because they work as a cleaner and it is their responsibility to sweep the floor. ![]() That person may be doing this because they believe the floor is dirty and they want it to be clean. ![]() Suppose a child sees someone sweeping the floor. Researchers have been keen to study how children understand the mental states, especially the beliefs and false beliefs, of Max, Sally, and Anne.Įxcept that Studying children’s understanding of deontology: the protesting paradigm For those readers who are not aficionados let us explain: Max (or Maxi) was a small boy whose chocolate was moved while he was not looking (Wimmer & Perner, 1983), and Sally and Anne were two young girls who liked to hide marbles (Baron-Cohen, Leslie, & Frith, 1985). Theory of Mind researchers will be familiar with Max, Sally, and Anne. Section snippets Studying children’s theory of mind: the false belief task ![]()
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